Latest post - Is all this rhetoric good for Microfinance?
Rhetorical Question: Is all this rhetoric good for Microfinance?
August 14, 2008, Evelyn Stark
(Why can't we all just get along?)
We're in the middle of campaign season here in America and we're being bombarded with screaming headlines about how this candidate is unqualified to run for dog-catcher, let alone President and how that candidate is out of touch with the "common man". It gets so aggravating that even the politically aware start to tune it out.
So, what does this have to do with microfinance? Recently I've been reading articles with screaming headlines like: "Did Yunus Deserve the Nobel Peace Prize: Microfinance or Macrofarce?" as well as dueling articles and Op-Eds in the Economist and the Wall Street Journal that make it seem like microfinance only exists at rhetoric's polar opposites. You're a good guy, or a bad guy.
At what point will it be all right to admit - to extol - that microfinance has a place in the toolkit of anti-poverty and pro-growth development? And, that it may not be the right tool for all; and it may be a great driver and leader in some instances, and it may be useless or negative in others? Is all of this name-calling helping us move forward as a field, or is it a distraction? Are there really so many competing (and maybe even nefarious) interests at play? Are people trying to simply profit off the poor? Are poor-to-middling NGOs really trying to capture subsidies just to keep their headquarters staff employed?
Or, are we all imperfect, but striving towards the same goals? And, if so, can we agree that we need solid, profitable (you can call it sustainable) financial services firms (of many types) with strong financial and social interests and incentives in serving poor, underserved people? And, then can we agree to divide up our expertise to make that happen and move forward?
There are a lot of poor and very poor people who couldn't care less about our bickering but who might find access to good financial services really useful.
Seventy to 80 percent of the poor in Vietnam have some kind of access to microfinance services, largely through the government-owned Vietnam Bank for Social Policies (VBSP). On a recent trip to Vietnam I had the chance to see up close how the VBSP reaches some 5 million customers with subsidized credit.
We accompanied VBSP loan officers on their trip to a remote settlement in the province of Hoa Binh, located in the mountainous areas northwest of Hanoi. Once a month, they drive to the most remote of a national total of 8,700 transaction points, and convert local authority offices into temporary "bank branches" to disburse loans and collect repayments.
During the seemingly endless trip on longwinded narrow roads it quickly became clear why no other provider of financial services had set up shop. The main square was inhabited by water buffaloes and the area was out of reach of any phone connection. The older women among the clients who slowly started to trickle in had blackened teeth - a byproduct of chewing betel nuts that has become a sign of beauty.
VBSP counts on the help of the Women’s Union, a sociopolitical “mass” organization which, according to our driver, comprises about 60 percent of all women in the country. For a fee, they undertake 6 out of the 10 steps that comprise the whole loan cycle. They advertise, organize eligible customers in groups, distribute and fill out loan applications, and also collect repayments. Actually disbursing the loans through the Women’s Union was discontinued years ago after some incidents of corruption.
Enlisting the cooperation of local authorities and sociopolitical organizations allows for reduced transaction costs. But not enough to run the subsidized loan program sustainably, which is widely criticized for its distorting effect on the market.
VBSP shared their plans of raising interest rates, which currently range from zero to 50 percent of market rate. They also intend to develop a mobile phone banking product to further decrease their cost of operations. Maybe VBSP could play a useful experimentation role with m-banking in Vietnam? The example of Caixa Economica’s use of correspondents in Brazil has shown that public agencies can take the lead in trying out new delivery methods.
Can microfinance institutions reach poor people and cover their costs at the same time? In the graph below, we plotted Operational Self-Sufficiency (a common measure of the extent to which MFIs cover their costs) for three types of institutions: providers of “small”, “medium”, and “large” loans (as measured by the average loan balance in percent of GDP per capita). What difference do we see? Not much, in fact. The average operational self-sufficiency for the “up-market” MFIs is slightly higher, but in general the three curves are quite similar. This observation doesn’t change if we break down average loan balances into more subgroups.
In his blog post of June 20, Rich Rosenberg showed that loan size is one factor – but not necessarily the only one – that drives MFIs’ interest rates. Smaller loans tend to carry higher interest rates, probably because the effort involved in extending a $100 loan is practically the same as for a $1,000 loan. Putting all these observations together, it seems that MFIs offering smaller loans offset higher operational costs by a combination of charging higher interest rates to their clients and securing concessional sources of funding. But they do not, on average, need to cover more of their costs through recurring injections in the form of grants or equity funding than the average MFI in the MIX.
Where does this leave us in the old outreach-sustainability discussion? 10 years ago, fronts were hardened between a “poverty camp”, advocating that microfinance should first and foremost reach the very poor, and a “sustainability camp”, whose proponents argued that MFIs should target financial sustainability, starting with covering all their operating costs. People in the poverty camp feared that pursuit of financial objectives would impede MFIs’ ability to serve poorer clients. The graph above suggest a more optimistic conclusion: sustainability seems to be decoupled from outreach, and most poverty-focused MFIs seem to be able to factor their operational costs into their loan prices.
July 10, 2008, Evelyn Stark and Jamie M. Zimmerman, New America Foundation
Just released last week and swiftly making its way through the fast lanes of the internet, Nike Foundation's new video for its GirlEffect campaign is stunning and provocative. It resonates with the socially-minded, big hearted idealist in all of us. The video explains how global poverty eradication will come from empowering a girl through micro-credit: the loan enables her to purchase a productive, money making asset (a cow), which quickly snowballs into further financial and social opportunities, more assets, greater social, economic and political empowerment, and into economic development of entire nations and opportunities for all women around the world. You get the picture (but if not – you can watch it here: www.girleffect.org).
At the heart of this new campaign - started by the Nike and NoVo Foundations, with the support of the UN Foundation, Population Council, ICRW, Center for Global Development and Plan International - lies a core and founding ethos in the microfinance movement: empowerment through small loans to women. The powerful message and imagery in this video will likely resonate loudly and emotionally with a large, global audience. But it’s also a bit too simplistic in its portrayal of human, social and economic development.
Microcredit may be a catalyst for empowerment, but it will not solve disenfranchisement of girls and women without other mechanisms also working in their favor. These girls need legal empowerment and effective institutions to guarantee such rights. They need access to effective social services such as education and health to fully develop their human capital. They need institutions and systems (at the local and national level) that encourage their empowerment and advancement.
Of course we want and need to support girls to stand up for their rights to be cowherds, MPs, bankers, petty traders or even advertising executives! How we get there from the finance side might just be a microloan for a cow… or, maybe a savings club operating in a safe environment, with a trained mentor such as Population Council and K-Rep found in Kenya; or, a maybe it’s a Child Savings Account that matures just in time for secondary school that's needed (see: Xac Bank, Hatton Bank and an experiment in Uganda); or a free goat that might lead to college in the US as it did for Beatrice Birra.
The reality is that the presence of a cow, food cart or other productive asset a microloan can facilitate will not automatically improve a girl's life. Between the microloan to a girl and a world free of poverty, there is a chasm filled with other problems that need to be solved.
The video will be an effective starting point to raise awareness of the potential power of microfinance. But it’s also a challenge: what can we do to make it a reality?
I think Evelyn and Jamie make an important point that ought to be made more often. Ultimately, womenâs empowerment requires fundamental changes in society that call for more direct policy instruments: policies that renegotiate property rights, replace rules sustaining gender inequality, and improve access to and quality of education. Fundamental change of this scale can hardly be worked out easily or quickly, especially in countries where gender bias has been a norm for centuries (and where, for this reason, the need for reform is most urgent). Over the short run, microfinance programs can provide a handy, (potentially cost-effective?) tool to provide traditionally secluded women a non-intimidating and socially acceptable platform from which to learn and conduct business outside the house. Travelling and talking with women in Bangladesh,for example, it is quite clear that Grameen and BRAC have done this quite well and, as a result, served as important catalysts of change. But, still, Evelyn's and Jamie's ultimate point hold: the SCALE of change they ultimately catalyze will depend on how seriously other social reforms bearing on womenâs empowerment are simultaneously pursued. This point needs to made with equal force.
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Foodflation
July 8, 2008, Elizabeth Littlefield
When a family already spends 80% of their income on food and the prices double - what do they do? The food crisis affects poor people most acutely. Foods that are mainly consumed by the poor have seen some of the largest price rises; sorghum rose 95% in 2007-8. Some of the causes of the food crisis - food shortages, un-manageable price increases for poor and very poor households, and export controls - demand rapid action. Others - such as increased bio-fuel production, low agriculture productivity in Africa, and weak market infrastructures - will require longer term solutions.
Feeding people in crisis is obviously the most urgent issue. For very good reasons, donors and governments are coming under pressure to disburse large sums quickly. Since MFIs have a branch network and many clients, it’s often tempting to think that we can use them to distribute emergency assistance. In past crises, when MFIs and loan officers do the distribution directly, this has proven to be very damaging to MFIs’ commercial principles, and their ability to survive to provide services in the long run. But it’s hard to even talk about preserving commercial principles when people are going hungry. So, what should we do?
A better approach in previous crises, although not without risks, has been for microfinance institutions to partner with relief organizations to distribute food or other forms of relief, with clearly delineated roles (like relief staff wearing clearly different T shirts from loan officers or visiting at different times).
When clients are severely affected and loan repayments can’t be met, some MFIs have rescheduled loans, provided emergency loans that help pay the original one, or temporarily reduced or suspended payments. Some MFIs have also relaxed compulsory savings requirements until the situation abates, though this has had mixed long term effects. And ironically savings can be the most important thing for poor families in crisis.
What role should microfinance and MFIs play in the food crisis? I’d like to hear your views on where microfinance can help meet urgent needs while preserving long term viability.
Thanks for writing about such a timely topic. Obviously as the foodflation crisis unfolds, it will inevitably impact both microfinance institutions and their clients and I commend the effort to think deeply about appropriate responses from a crucial sector. However, before exploring the role of MFIs in mitigating the effects of foodflation on their clients or the communities in which they operate, I would have liked to have seen an analysis of the risks the food crisis has for MFIs (small and large) in operation around the world. How will food price inflation impact demand for microloans from smaller agriculture producers (and what will that do to liquidity managment for MFIs?)?; how is/will inflation (in general) impact interest rates?; and what about foreign exchange risk mitigation as a result of food flation? These are just a few starter questions I think we should consider before we start getting creative on the role microfinance/MFIs should play in this crisis (even though I do think there is one to play).
Food crisis
July 09, 2008, Phalarin Chea
In Cambodia, high inflation rate is much affect to the poor people because most of each farmer household has land area less than one ha and they live totally based on the rice production, eg food, dresses, health,education of children. When the price of rice increase, most of farmers do not gain benefit because most of them has sold their rice since early harvesting. Food price increase would provide more benefit to rich people who have a large rice field where they can produce more production and some others have bought rice in huge quantity to keep in warehouse for export.
Some other poor who are workers and have ability to buy food for a day or a week would suffer much on their life when the food price increasing fast. Meanwhile, their labor cost is slightly increase which is not proportional to the inflation rate and food price. Furthermore, they poor would paymore more in transportation, health, and education.
In short, high inflation rate, food crisis, high price of petroleum have affect a lot poor people in living. To be survive, they try to reduce expenses in other components which is not direct impact to their living such as reducing saving, less quality of food, stop their children to school etc...
Food crisis and MFIs
July 16, 2008, Manohar Sharma
I think you have raised a very timely issue as a lot of proposals are currently calling for ramped up credit services to address the food price rise. Many are now also talking about asking MFIs to restructure loan repayments in order to provide flexibility to poor consumers. However, I do not think that microfinance institutions are the appropriate frontline institutions to DIRECTLY combat high food prices. Actually, to the extent that a MFI is unable to realign its nominal lending rates to rising inflation, its own financial bottom line may be in jeopardy, especially if it is not in the position to take advantage of spreads between saving and lending rates. (There are good chances that savings deposits will plummet in any case.) Also, as the source of the current crisis appears to be structural and long term, rescheduling repayment is not as easy as in situations when the disturbance is temporary (eg. floods or droughts) and clientsâ incomes are expected to rebound over the fairly short term.
But the tension involved in âpreserving commercial principles when people are going hungryâ is, as you say, is quite real, especially when the key objectives of many of these institutions are to reduce poverty and hardship faced by the poor. In that sense, MFIs need to assess the implication of rising food prices on pattern of financial services demanded by the poor, and then figure out ways to adapt products and services that address this demand in a meaningful and sustainable way. To take an example, a renewed effort in the area of Agricultural Finance is now something quite worth pursuing. Despite all the woes that high food prices bring, one implication is clear: in many developing countries returns to investments in food production will now be significantly higher than in the past. It would therefore bode well for MFIs to recognize this changed market condition. And if MFIs respond by enabling poor and small farmers to finance these investments (working capital, land improvement etc.) and increase their incomes and food supply, a win-win situation is almost guaranteed. This will of course require MFIs to realign their products and services to agribusiness and food production. But this type of response holds more promise than ones that try to find quick fixes on the consumption side.
La microfinance au coeur de la vie chère
August 03, 2008, Mbouombouo Ndam Joseph
Confrontés au problème du surenchérissement des prix des denrées alimentaires dont la facture sociale est parfois très lourde, les dirigeants des pays d'Afrique Centrale comme ceux de tous les autres pays pauvres réalisent la nécessité d'accéder à la souveraineté alimentaire qui passe d'abord par une meilleure productivité vivrière locale. Ce constat confère toute son importance à l'économie populaire et à tout autre système qui vise d'abord à satisfaire les besoins locaux. Le secteur informel et la multitude des petits opérateurs qui s'évertuent à répondre à moindre coût à la demande de consommation et de services des populations nationales doivent être considérés avec plus d'égards désormais. De même que les mécanismes qui leur facilitent l'accès aux services financiers. La microfinance en fait partie, parce qu'ayant un contact direct avec les bénéficiaires et offrant des possibilités de mesure directe de son impact.
La prise de conscience de l'importance de la perspective micro comme préalable au développement économique est telle que de nombreux gouvernements veulent promouvoir les petites unités de production, après avoir assisté au déclin des grandes unités dédiées à l'exportation. Mais il faudrait, pour y arriver, s'appuyer sur des mécanismes économiques qui ont eux aussi un prisme micro de l'économie. Les petits paysans agissant en acteurs individuels ou regroupés au sein des organisations paysannes démontrent de plus en plus leur efficacité à mettre à la disposition des villes des produits alimentaires substituant largement ceux importés auparavant. Le haricot, le maïs ou le manioc sont autant de produits dont la production peut doubler voire tripler d'une campagne à l'autre si des facteurs précis sont mis en jeu : la disponibilité des terres, celle des infrastructures de stockage et de transport mais surtout celle des financements pour les intrants et les frais intermédiaires.
Car tel est le cÅur véritable du problème : le financement. Les banque boudent l'agriculture, surtout celle paysanne à cause des aléas trop nombreux, et de son incapacité à fournir des garanties classiques. Du reste, bien que réputées sur liquides, les banque d'Afrique Centrale sont insuffisantes en nombre, concentrées uniquement dans les grands centres urbains et ont des conditions très élitistes. A côté des prêteurs informels et autres usuriers, la microfinance s'est développée au cours des 20 dernières années comme une formule financière taillé sur mesure pour les économies complexes de nos pays. Les établissements de microfinance ont en effet montré leur capacité à prêter et à se faire rembourser par le secteur rural et les acteurs de l'économie populaire, en combinant les principes formels avec d'autre moins formels, copiés sur les mécanismes de solidarité communautaire.
La microfinance est de ce fait une chance pour les pays du sud de cheminer vers leur souveraineté alimentaire. Malheureusement, cette trouvaille pertinente du secteur informel souffre d'un déficit chronique de trésorerie et de capacités humaines et ne peut efficacement faire face aux demandes qui lui sont adressées en zone rurale. Mais ce ne sont pas les seules limites. Les initiatives de microfinance s'installent surtout en ville au détriment des campagnes, attirées par le confort infrastructurel et sécuritaire des cités. Les subventions et autres appuis accordés par les pouvoirs publics et les bailleurs de fonds pêchent par l'absence de formalisation des critères d'octroi et des mécanismes de suivi. La diversité des conditions (taux, durées) mettent les divers programmes en concurrence et provoquent des interférences négatives avec les programmes privés de microfinance. Le phénomène de la corruption routière (inflation des postes de contrôle) pénalise surtout les clients de la microfinance (transporteurs, négociants, paysans, petits salariés des villes) et les établissements de microfinance eux-mêmes dont le sort des crédits accordés est compromis et qui hésitent d'avantage à financer l'agriculture. Au total, l'outil microfinance ne peut véritablement participer à la conquête de la souveraineté alimentaire que si elle est l'objet d'une politique plus rationnelle. Les états sont avertis et doivent veiller à l'opérationnalisation effective des multiples déclarations d'intention contenues dans les stratégies nationales de microfinance. L'aide internationale en faveur de la microfinance doit aussi cesser d'être considérée comme la panacée, mais plutôt comme un appoint aux programmes endogènes. Du reste, il est préférable d'appuyer des initiatives endogènes de microfinance qui ont une meilleure affinité avec les réalités locales que de créer des institutions de microfinance aux mécanismes rigides et stéréotypés.
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Why do microcredit interest rates vary so dramatically around the world?
June 20, 2008, Richard Rosenberg
The global average is about 35 percent, but the average in Mexico is above 60 percent and in Sri Lanka is below 20 percent. Small loan sizes are the most commonly cited reason why microcredit rates are higher than normal bank rates: microcredit is a “high-touch” business, and MFIs have to process thousands of tiny transactions. But here’s a graph of MFIs in 33 countries, showing pretty clearly that loan size by itself doesn’t explain the differences between their average interest rates.
We see several other dynamics at work:
• Operating costs can be pushed up by factors other than loan size, such as geographic dispersion of rural borrowers, or an unusually expensive labor market, both of which affect costs in Mexico. Age of the MFI is another factor. Surprisingly, scale doesn’t seem to make much difference: statistical analysis by the MIX shows that economies of scale tend to level off after the MFI gets its first 2,000 or so clients.
• Political pressure can make a difference. Some countries impose a legal cap on interest rates to keep them “affordable,” even though this may restrict the availability of microloans. In other countries (like Ethiopia), the government provides a lot of microfinance at very low rates, and MFIs feel political pressure to do the same.
• Management objectives differ. In countries like Bangladesh, managers felt that high interest rates were inconsistent with their social mission, and consequently set rates at levels that would produce very little profit, at least in the early years. In Latin America, many MFIs thought that attracting commercial capital was the best way to expand their social outreach, and wanted higher profits to attract such capital. We are now seeing players in microfinance—only a few so far—whose objective is profit, pure and simple: of course, such investors want interest income to be as high as possible.
• Competition gives borrowers choices, which puts downward pressure on interest rates, forcing MFIs to become less profitable and/or more efficient. This is clearly happening in some places—e.g., Bolivia, where interest rates have dropped from 60 percent in the early 1990s to about 17 percent now. But competition doesn’t produce this result everywhere: rates have not dropped very much in Bangladesh.
What do you think? Are there other explanations for interest rate differences that we’ve overlooked?
Hi Rich
I guess not many people have found this new blog yet! So here are a few additional factors which affect interest rates which (based on my experience).
1. Accountability to funders/clients: When there are 'rewards' for reductions in costs and interest rates (or penalites for lack of action) I have seen this issue become a focus of management attention (when they have the capacity to do so). I have seen this happen both donor funds and with clients (when they are financially literate). But when there are no consequences - why would a CEO bother?
2. Lack of Management Capacity: This includes capacity to understand options to reduce costs (e.g. methodlogy, product design etc.) and capacity to effectively implement any of those options.
3. Financial Literacy of clients: When clients understand the costs for the product they are in a much better position to compare and better rates are the result.
4. Cultural factors to do with the relationship with the financial service provider - other than the loan: Some clients receive benefits that are not calculated in loan terms (some research has been done on this is Bangladesh).
This is an important issue so I hope more people jump in!!
Cheers
Ruth
Cost of MFI funds
July 01, 2008, Janice Takyi-Appiah
MFIs have difficulties accessing cheap funds for on lending and some of them have to borrow at very high interest rates. Also MFI clientele are varied and consist of high risk borrowers due to the nature of their core business eg Primary Exporters, thus consequently their facilities have associated high interest rates which supposedly serve as a means of protection for the MFI.
DennyCross
July 01, 2008, DennyCross DennyCross
cool links, thanks!,
Does financial literacy lower interest rates; high MFI cost of funds
July 01, 2008, Richard Rosenberg
Ruth's suggestions about additional causes for interest rate variations make sense to me. The one that I'm unsure of is financial literacy. The studies I've seen reported so far seem to leave some doubt as to how much financial education actually changes borrower behavior.
Janice mentioned the high cost of funds that many MFIs face. MIX data confirms that funding costs are a substantial component of MFI interest. In 2006, for example, the weighted average interest yield for 564 sustainable MFIs was 27.6 percent of loan portfolio. The weighted average cost of funds was 8.3 percent of portfolio. That is, a little less than a third of all the interest that borrowers pay went to pay for the MFI's own borrowings. Commercial banks raise funds more cheaply, but the difference is not as great as we might have expected: The weighted average funding cost for commercial banks in the same countries as these sustainable MFIs was 6 percent (as opposed to 8.3 for the MFIs), and that figure doesn't include the administrative costs associated with raising retail deposits--which banks use much more than MFIs do, so far at least.
Rich
Influence of country level factors
July 08, 2008, ckneiding_worldbank_org
Recently, I came across the same graphic as in the post, but broken down on a country level. The distribution of interest rate vs. loan size tends to become considerably tighter, which suggests that country differences are substantial drivers of interest rate variations. Rich and Ruth already addressed this issue on several levels (competition, political pressure, cultural factors). Perhaps it makes sense to classify interest rate drivers into "generic" and "country-specific" types.
Question
July 19, 2008, Michel Cermak
Would it be possible to have the references of the MIX statistical analysis mentioned (about scale economies) and of the original source of the graph showed here?
Thanks in advance for that and thanks for the first answers you already brought to this key question.
(I'm writing a master thesis about Competition among MFIs and the impact on clients' welfare and microfinance's mission, if anyone has a key reference I should know about, it is very welcome). Thanks
PS: I don't know if it helps but couldn't be the existence of MFIs specialised only in group lending or individual lending another factor of difference in interest rates? (since individual lending is considered riskier and often more expensive). It would be supported by the example of Fundusz Mikro in Poland, which simply charges higher interest rates for individuals loans than for group loans. Tell me if this makes no sense
Answer to Michel
July 21, 2008, ckneiding_worldbank_org
Michel, thanks for your comments and questions!
With regard to the sources:
The scale economies paper was written by Adrian Gonzalez from the MIX and can be found in the MicroBanking Bulletin No. 15, pp. 37-42 (http://www.mixmbb.org/Publications/001-IND/01-IND.ANLS/01-IND.ANLS.MBB/MBB15%20Final.pdf). You will see that the analysis also takes account of different lending methodologies that you have mentioned, but doesn't find any significant effects on operating efficiency of MFIs. In general, though, your argument that individual lending is more costly makes perfectly sense to me.
The graph that is shown in the initial blog post is based on an extraction of (publicly available) MIX data for sustainable MFIs (i.e. with a non-negative ROA).
If you have more specific questions on the dataset, feel free to drop me a line: ckneiding@worldbank.org.
Your thesis touches a very important topic, which has not seen a lot of research in the past. Competition data for MFIs is not available in a format that allows for meaningful empirical evaluations; as to anecdotal evidence, Bolivia is definitely the best example of a market where competition led to a significant drop in interest rates. Several studies have looked at clients' welfare, especially over-indebtedness.
I would like to highlight some studies that draw contradictory conclusions on the effects of competition on clients' welfare:
http://www.microfinancegateway.org/files/31544_file_14.pdf
http://www.microfinancegateway.org/content/article/detail/3544
Karuna Krishnaswamy, Competition and Multiple Borrowing in the Indian Microfinance Sector, Institute for Financial Management & Research, Centre for Micro Finance, Working Paper Sept. 2007.
Ulrike Vogelsang, Microfinance in Times of Crisis: The Effects of Competition, Rising Indebtedness, and Economic Crisis on Repayment Behavior, World Development, Vol. 31(12), pp. 2085-2114.
Let us know about the progress of your thesis, this is an important research question! Best, Christoph
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Welcome to CGAP's microfinance blog
May 29, 2008, Elizabeth Littlefield
We’re launching this blog as a way for CGAP’s microfinance specialists to talk about research they are working on and to share interesting observations about issues around access to finance that they come across from their study, mission and advisory work. We hope that you’ll enjoy the opportunity to engage in the conversation, and share your own observations by providing your comments and responses to relevant posts.
Microfinance is facing a moment of reckoning. Last month, CGAP, along with Deutsche Bank and the Boulder Institute, gathered leaders from across the industry, and all ends of the spectrum from commercial to non-commercial approaches, to discuss some core questions facing microfinance. How can the industry navigate the choppy waters of commercial credit, while maintaining its social and development objectives? What should be the future direction of the industry? A push on growing numbers, or a focus on using subsidies to reach those at the bottom – and are these forces at odds?
Out of that meeting came the Pocantico Declaration, a statement of intent by the leaders that the microfinance community needs to come together to agree principles for operating in this new environment, where microfinance is enjoying a much higher profile and a flood of funding.
I firmly believe that we need to establish a code of ethics to help us navigate between commercialization and our social mission. To do so, we should neither abandon the years of progress that have been made in professionalizing this industry, nor should we abandon our principles in treating poor clients fairly and with respect. For me, the key is to recognize that microfinance is a service industry. We must improve our service, offering a broader range of products for the poor clients we serve.
Commercial pressures may be painful. But they are rigorous on governance, management, cost control, transparency – all areas where the microfinance industry has made considerable progress in recent years, and where we must not slip back. Ultimately we hope that competition will propel institutions to reach exponentially more clients who need access to these services.
Without firm commercial foundations, it is questionable whether microfinance will become the profitable business that it needs to be in order to survive and help more poor people. And without clear values and an ethic first and foremost to serve the poor, it certainly won’t survive in a form that any of us will recognize as microfinance.